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Key challenges in ethical trade: Report on the ETI Biennial Conference 2003

Chapter 12
Are codes making a difference to workers? 

Codes of labour practice came about as a means of getting companies to take responsibility for labour conditions in their supply chains and as a way of reassuring consumers. Yet a code can do both these things while making little difference to the lives of workers and their families. Making real improvements will only come about if good policies and intentions are followed through with well-informed and appropriate actions. With a growing number of brands and sourcing companies adopting and implementing labour codes over the past few years, the question of whether or not codes are making a difference to workers is a timely one to ask. ETI is currently studying the impact of code implementation and while this project is progressing, we felt it was opportune to organise a workshop to share practical experiences in different countries and industries. The workshop includes the experiences of the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), Premier Foods, the Kalape Api Solidarity Network [13] (Sri Lanka) and a collaborative research team co-ordinated by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Sussex, UK.

12.1 About ETI's study

The ETI impact assessment, a two-year programme to be completed in September 2005, will focus on member companies' efforts to implement the ETI Base Code in specified parts of their supply base. The programme aims to:

12.2 Some positive effects of code implementation

A collaborative study of labour conditions in the horticultural sector in Zambia, Kenya and South Africa, co-ordinated by IDS, showed that code implementation had contributed to significant improvements in the following areas:

In general, however, the study found that improvements in working conditions tended to be concentrated among first tier suppliers and permanent workers.

In the experience of the Kalape Api Solidarity Network, code implementation in the garment sector in Sri Lanka has had a significant impact in terms of improved health and safety, but has had little or no impact in all other code areas. However, the speaker felt there was the potential for codes to have a significant positive impact. In his experience, suppliers take more notice of sourcing company codes than of national labour law.

Other examples of positive impact discussed at the workshop include reduced pregnancy testing, increased overtime payments, increased training, improvements in housing and adoption of more 'women-friendly' policies and practices. In general, however, workshop participants agreed that the majority of improvements related to health and safety.

12.3 The limitations of codes

Despite many positive examples, codes have had limited effects in some areas, such as:

The reasons for limited impact are various, including:

Effective code implementation does not happen overnight. The supply chains of large sourcing companies are complex and can involve thousands of suppliers. Many labour issues are difficult to understand, identify and resolve. It should be no surprise that companies cannot demonstrate widespread, positive impacts from Day One.

Continued weakness of current auditing practices. While auditing practices may be improving in some quarters, problems persist in the majority of cases. Many auditors, from both commercial auditing companies and the sourcing companies themselves, come from a background of technical, quality or environmental auditing and do not have in-depth knowledge of human rights and labour issues. Moreover, due to the size of their supply chains and limited resources allocated to ethical sourcing, many sourcing companies restrict the length of audits to a single day or less. Often this means that little, if any, time is spent with workers. For both reasons, many labour problems are still being missed by routine auditing.

Limited investment in follow-up after audits. With a focus on auditing, many sourcing companies have invested insufficient resources in supporting suppliers to identify underlying causes of problems, draw up appropriate corrective action plans, and identify and implement improvements. Nor have they invested sufficiently in checking that agreed improvements have been made. As a result, many suppliers do not feel the need or commitment to implement real changes, and are instead 'getting away' with practices such as doctoring overtime books or putting up posters explaining the ETI Base Code only for the duration of an audit.

Limited investment in worker education. Surveys carried out in garment factories in Sri Lanka and horticultural packhouses and farms in Zambia, Kenya and South Africa show that very few workers are aware of labour codes, even in workplaces where management is actually taking codes relatively seriously. This reflects a broader situation where sourcing companies have focused their efforts on engaging and communicating with suppliers, rather than with workers. Many sourcing companies have asked suppliers to inform workers about codes, but suppliers' efforts have tended to be half-hearted, or well-intended but ineffective.

In many cases, neither workers nor their representatives have been involved in drawing up the content of codes. As a result, many codes still do not include clauses on payment of a living wage or freedom of association, and therefore do not reflect key priorities of workers on an individual or collective basis.

Code implementation cannot always counteract wider trends in business and international trade, even where commitment is significant. For example, in the banana industry the bitter competition and price war has been pushing prices down over the last five years. This has been passed on to workers in terms of lowering pay and conditions, job losses and harassment of trade unionists. In such a context, the implementation of codes has not been able to reverse the pattern of worsening conditions.

12.4 Potential negative impacts

Unfortunately, experience has shown that code implementation can have unintended, negative impacts. Participants at the workshop identified a number of unintended effects, including recrimination against workers for speaking out during audits, over-reliance on codes resulting in reduced pressure on governments for legislative change, job losses, weakened worker representation and increased child prostitution as a direct result of reduced child labour in factories.

Specific examples from the experience of Premier Foods include the following:

12.5 Moving ahead

Workshop speakers and participants identified a range of factors which they felt could help to ensure that code implementation makes a positive difference to workers. These are summarised below.

12.5.1 Issues for code initiatives
12.5.2 Success factors for sourcing companies
Further information

Presentation slides and papers from IDS, Kalape Api, Premier Foods and TGWU are available from the ETI Secretariat.

ETI impact assessment: See Impact Assessment Terms of Reference. For further infomation beyond that document, contact the ETI Secretariat.

Nelson, V, Ewert, J and Martin, A (June 2002) The impact of codes of practice in the South African wine industry and Kenyan cut flower industry – phase 1 report. Natural Resources Institute, Chatham.
This report can be downloaded from: www.nri.org/NRET/phase1report.pdf.

Smith, S, Auret, D, Barrientos, S, Dolan, C, Kleinbooi, K, Njobvu, C, Opondo, M and Tallontire, A (2003) Ethical trade in African horticulture: gender, rights and participation. Workshop Report, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, June 2003.


 

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